6.15.2011

The no car challenge

Today is the halfway mark of my time in Ghana. It seems like I just got here, but it’s also been forever since I left home. As weird as that all feels, it’s especially strange knowing that I’m only going to be home for four and a half weeks—less time than I’ve spent travelling, in short

I have so much I want to do during the month I’m home. I’ve been thinking about how to maximize the time I have and get more out of it, and I decided I’m finally going to take the plunge. For the month at home, I’m going to take the no car challenge: no driving within the Seattle city limits. I’m going to get around the city walking, biking and taking the bus.

I’ve thought about doing a lighter version of this for the past two summers, but it hasn’t really worked. There are a number of factors which have limited my driving: rising gas prices, sharing a car with my brother, a busy work schedule, the increasing difficulty of finding parking in Seattle and the fact that my house is pretty well served by buses. But I always flake on plans to become more self-sufficient. My laziness takes over, or I want to go shopping with friends, or I just can’t bring myself to bike anywhere knowing that highest point on the highest hill in Seattle is a few feet from our property line.

I thought about it again this summer for the brief period I was home, when I emerged from my Whitman bubble long enough to notice that gas has gotten absurdly expensive. And I had the classic environmentalist quandary: as much as I want to celebrate rising gas prices, as much as I know they’re necessary and still not high enough, I was cringing at the thought of paying so much to drive around the city. And I realized that the only way out of that quandary is to just say no. I don’t need a car in Seattle. There are plenty of other ways to get around.

The main advantage of driving is that it’s “efficient”. This is definitely true in important ways—if you want to get somewhere quickly, driving is your best bet. But I think driving within Seattle also leads me to make choices that aren’t in my best interest. With a car at my disposal, it’s easy to decide to head to Value Village with my friends on a whim. Without cars, I’ll think twice about spending an hour on the bus to go shopping for clothes I really don’t need with money I don’t really have. Cars might take less time, but you can read or knit on a bus if you’re stuck in traffic. In a car, you just have to sit there and be pissed off. If you have access to a car, it’s easy to run to the store right before dinner for the ingredient you forgot. If you have to walk a mile to get there, you’re more likely to try to come up with something creative using the stuff you already have at home. Plus, if I actually end up biking and walking places frequently (which I suspect will happen once I get sick of paying bus fare), I’ll get in much better shape and probably survive my farm labor better.

There’s another huge benefit I see to not driving everywhere: it has a spillover effect on the people you interact with. I read something a while ago about a guy who decided he was going to walk everywhere he went. The article talked about the impact this had on his personal relationships. It wasn’t possible for him to visit friends for a few hours or just the day—often, if they lived more than a few miles away, a visit meant he had to spend the night. As a result, he felt he was able to cultivate more meaningful relationships with people.

I’ve seen something similar during winters in Seattle. The city of Seattle is completely incapable of dealing with snow. We don’t have snowplows, we take forever to de-ice the city, and no one knows how to drive on frozen surfaces. About every two or three years, Seattle has a massive snowstorm which completely shuts down the city. Usually, order is restored within a few days, but sometimes, it’s chaotic for a week. In this environment, buses run late on shortened routes and most people don’t drive. But school is also cancelled, or it’s winter break, so everyone wants to hang out with friends. In high school, this frequently translated to gatherings at centrally located houses. I would walk miles in the snow to go over to friends’ houses and drifted around between groups of people. In snow conditions, everyone becomes more hospitable. People stick together, sleepover invitations are extended and everyone looks out for neighbors and friends. No one worries too much about schedules or being on time.  Life is a bit more relaxed, and it moves more slowly.

I’m hoping that by driving less, I’ll be able to cultivate a little bit of that spirit in my life. Freshman year of high school, I rode the bus every day, and I always looked forward to my time on the Metro. It gave me a chance to decompress, listen to music, meet interesting people or get a bit of reading done before I got home. It wasn’t time that I ever viewed as wasted, and it was a nice break from the rest of my day, when six thousand things were going on.

I’ll report on this experiment as it develops. Here are the Official Rules I’ll be using (though these may be amended as needed).

1. No driving or riding in a car within the Seattle city limits during the time I’m home.
2. Driving outside the city (eg. to go to Issaquah to see family, to visit friends in Walla Walla, hiking, etc.) is ok, but every possible attempt should be made to minimize this driving. This will include trying to limit the number of these trips, carpooling/coordinating with other people and looking into alternative transit options (eg. bussing to Issaquah).
3. No weaseling. This means no getting rides from people when it’s out of their way, no making friends come to my house instead of me going to them, etc.
4. No being obnoxiously self-righteous about how I’m saving the planet, because I’m totally not. This is an experiment being undertaken for completely selfish reasons.

Exceptions to the above:
a) If I’m scheduled to work at another store (not my normal store, which is easy walking distance from my house) and get off work at 10pm or later, driving is ok for safety/logistical reasons.
b) If I’m going in a car with someone to somewhere they’d be going anyway and they won’t be persuaded to go another way (eg. going out to dinner with the whole family).
c) If I have to transport a large enough quantity of material that moving it via bike or bus would be logistically impossible (groceries do not count here).
d) If there’s a medical emergency, designated driver situation or something important like that.


6.14.2011

Sustainable agricultural development

Over the past two weeks, I’ve read a bunch of articles written by African agricultural experts, and talked to government officials and NGO representatives about the best way to develop Ghana’s agricultural sector. Most of the experts seem to agree about a few basic points, namely that Ghanaian agriculture suffers from low productivity due to low soil fertility and farmers using sub-optimal practices and insufficient inputs for their crops. Common problems include a lack of irrigation (which restricts growing to the rainy season), the small/inefficient size of farms (85-90% of cultivated land is on farms of two hectares or less), lack of fertilizer and pesticide use, and farmers using saved seeds rather than hybrid, improved varieties. (Improved seeds, incidentally, are not the same thing as genetically modified seeds. They’re just seeds bred for certain climatic conditions; GM seeds are effectively illegal in Ghana due to government regulations and the amount of time it takes to get new seeds approved by the government.)

With problems defined this way, most agricultural strategy I’ve come across, both from the Ghanaian government and assorted NGOs, seems to focus on building a more industrial agricultural system. Publications point out that the vast majority of Africa’s farmers are subsistence level (1% of the US population farms, and these farmers grow a surplus of food; meanwhile, 70ish% of Ghanaians farm and the country still imports staples like rice). As far as I can tell, this is seen as a bad thing. Most strategies for agricultural development suggest that the way forward involves larger farms, fewer farmers, more efficient distribution, irrigation, increased fertilizer use and improved seed varieties.

Certainly, the desire to increase agricultural productivity makes sense. The world population continues to grow, and more and more people are thinking, talking and writing about the coming food crisis and what it will mean. The world needs to grow enough to feed everyone who’s here, plus the 3 billion people who are coming by the end of the century. Inequality of distribution is a huge part of the picture, as are the inefficiencies of meat production (industrial/factory farmed animals, which account for virtually all meat production, are fed about nine calories of soy or corn for every calorie of their meat we end up eating).

I’m not convinced, though, that the agricultural strategy being pursued by the international development community is the best way to do this. Some inefficiencies in Ghanaian agriculture are well worth addressing: farmers could make better use of organic fertilizers if they were priced more affordably and distributed more efficiently, for example. But the tone of the policy documents I’ve read seems to suggest that Ghana (along with other African countries) needs to modernize quickly and move people away from farming if it wants to lift its people out of poverty. This isn’t a bad idea in moderation, but if you take it to its logical conclusion, you’re going to end up with a food system like the US. Which, to my mind, is not a good thing.

American agriculture is incredibly efficient. It’s very good at getting cheap food to people, and has allowed us to grow into a country where poor people are often obese. Many American diets are deficient in critical nutrients, but almost all have enough calories to keep people from starving.

This is the success story that the architects of American agricultural policy like to tell, but it comes with a lot of external costs which we’re becoming increasingly familiar with. E.coli, bird flu, cancer, heart disease, obesity, diabetes, the dead zone in the Gulf of Mexico, animal torture, substandard agricultural working conditions and identical tomatoes which can be shipped across the country but don’t taste like anything—these are all costs we pay for cheap food. We don’t pay consensually, or often knowingly, but we do pay, sooner or later.

There’s a huge debate about whether or not cheap food is worth it. Industry and government reps have been known to defend the system, saying that these risks are exaggerated and the alternative—starving masses—is worse. I believe we have other choices, and there’s been a good amount of research showing that organic farming techniques can produce as much or more food than their industrial counterparts. But ultimately, it’s a pointless debate to have. Cheap food is built on oil. Agricultural chemicals are petroleum- based, synthetic fertilizers require oil to produce, and huge transport distances are unsustainable in a world with finite oil reserves. There’s debate about how long we have left, but we’re using up a finite resource, which means we’re going to run out eventually. And when we get close—when oil prices go up, and instead of spiking, they keep climbing—food is going to be expensive. This has already started to happen around the world, and I don’t think it’s going to stop anytime soon.

So in a world of uncertainty, with rising food prices, it makes sense to grow more food. But it also makes sense to be cautious, to build models that are resilient and sustainable in addition to being high-yielding. For Ghana, it will probably mean improved seeds, better irrigation technologies, more organic fertilizer and fewer farmers. But that doesn’t have to mean emulating the US’s industrial system. It doesn’t have to mean growing cash crops for export, like cocoa, at the expense of crops which are consumed locally. Right now, I can walk two blocks from the Burro office to the Koforidua market and buy pineapples, cassava, yam, tomatoes, onions, ginger, garlic, oranges, limes, lemons, eggs, peppers, lettuce, carrots, cucumbers and eggplant, all of it grown locally by small farmers. You’d be hard-pressed to find this much local variety in any American supermarket, even in California. I believe that Ghana, and other developing countries, will be able to figure out a way to meet the challenges facing their agricultural producers. But I also hope that the changes required won’t replace the Koforidua market with something that looks like Wal-Mart or Safeway.

6.07.2011

Culturally sensitive atheism

I’m an atheist. I do not believe in any sort of God, and while I actually enjoy some church services because of the community interaction that takes place during them, I feel pretty comfortable saying that religious worship will never be a regular part of my life.

I’ve been an atheist for just about as long as I can remember. I went to a Lutheran preschool and spent my years there learning songs about how Jesus loves me without really understanding who God was or what it meant. Once I thought about it more and talked it over with my parents (who are both nonreligious), I decided I was an atheist. Growing up in liberal Seattle, I’ve gotten relatively little grief for this.

What’s difficult for me is drawing the line between cultural sensitivity and standing up for my beliefs. Because of the places I live and the circles I walk in, being a nonbeliever is rarely a problem. Many of my friends are atheistic or nonreligious (or both), and no one I interact with regularly is the sort to start preaching about hellfire and damnation. At Whitman and in Seattle, people treat religion as a private matter, and no one really tries to convert you (except the crazy guys at Folklife).

Ghana is another story. Religion is not a private issue here. Businesses are named things like “Jehovah is My Redeemer Welding and Auto Repair” and “Clap for Jesus Beauty Salon” (I swear I’m not making this up). Taxis have large decals announcing their faith in God covering half of the rear window. Virtually everyone is Christian (though there’s also a Muslim population in the north). Nonbelief, as far as I can tell, doesn’t seem to be an option.

When people here ask me if I go to church at home, or what religion I belong to, I don’t know what to say. I don’t feel comfortable lying or stretching the truth. I want to say that I’m not religious, that I don’t go to church. If the situation was reversed—if I were a devout Christian in a largely atheist area—I’m fairly certain I would have no problem standing up for myself. But I’m not sure that’s a perfect parallel. Some atheists try to convert people to atheism, and some are very much opposed to religion, believing it to be a force for domination, violence, control and irrational thinking. I’m aware of the problems caused by religion, but I also believe that the bad things people have justified with God would have been justified in some other way if God didn’t exist. I think the bad actions undertaken by people in the name of religion point out the imperfectness of people more than the imperfectness of faith. And while I’m very much opposed to crazy people justifying things like terrorism, homophobia and abstinence-only education with their religion, I don’t think religious belief is a bad thing in and of itself.

Given all this, I’m usually timid about announcing my lack of belief, especially in other countries. While I don’t have a problem arguing with vehement American evangelicals, I don’t want to make Ghanaians uncomfortable or give them cause to interrogate me about my relationship with Jesus. Which is not to say that I lie outright—this weekend, I was staying in Accra with Rose (the Burro branch manager)’s family, and when her mom asked me if I went to church at home, I said no. But I didn’t go beyond that, and fortunately, she didn’t ask.

I feel ok with this, but it leaves me a little bit uncomfortable. Atheism will never be socially acceptable until atheists are comfortable coming out and unapologetically saying that we exist. I try to err on the side of sensitivity—I go along with saying grace when I’m visiting my conservative Christian relatives in Oregon—but I also try to be honest if I’m questioned. I don’t know if that’s the best balance for atheism, but so far, it seems to work ok for me.

6.06.2011

Poverty and food choice

A quick note, before I get started: this is by far the most important post I’ve ever written. It’s also quite long, since it’s a summary of most of my thinking about poverty and food choices from the past year or so. This stuff is incredibly important to me, so I hope you’ll take the time to read the whole thing and let me know what you think. Thanks :)

Why do poor people eat unhealthy food?

This question has been analyzed to no end by a variety of people, most of whom are rich, privileged and white (for an excellent take on privilege in the food movement, see Racialicious). I am all of the above, to be sure, but I still want to share my insights on this topic. I spent an hour or two every week from age 5 to 13 volunteering at a food bank. I’ve worked at a major grocery store for the past two years. I volunteer at the Walla Walla co-op. Food and food politics, whether consciously or unconsciously, has been what much of my life is about. I’m pretty set on writing my thesis about some of these issues, but I want to take a stab at addressing it all now, based on my current understanding.

This post has been a long time coming. I’m aware that there are problems inherent with people in my position addressing this question, and with the question itself. Framing the issue this way essentially comes off as “why do poor people make bad choices?”, which places blame on people who have virtually no control over the food system. When I talked to my advisor (Aaron Bobrow-Strain, a Whitman politics professor who focuses on food politics) about doing my thesis on this topic, he suggested that I focus more on the food industry and larger systems. He felt, and rightly so, that by framing the question as an individual choice, I was reinforcing ideas about deservingness in social policy (eg. poor people aren’t “worthy” of food stamps if they’re going to make these unhealthy choices) and further scrutinizing the choices of poor people in a way rich people are never subjected to. But it’s precisely because the issue is so often framed as a choice low income people make that I want to address it. As I talk about these issues, I’m invariably going to display my own privilege, bias and ignorance. I’ve tried to be open about the assumptions I’m making, my background and my experiences, so feel free to call me out on anything you think is wrong or incomplete.

I should clarify that I’m not talking about food deserts (if you’ve unfamiliar with the concept, see here for a personal take and here for a NYT article). Obviously, in situations where people have no access to healthy foods, they’re not going to eat them. I could write another post entirely about why food deserts exist and how we should go about fixing them, but I’ll save that for later. Food deserts are clearly an issue of access, not individual choice. I’m fairly certain that my life will be spent working to eliminate them, but for now, I want to talk about supermarkets.

In the store where I work, we sell fresh produce and other healthy foods—beans, lentils, cheese, etc. So access (in the sense of geographical proximity) to healthy foods isn’t the issue. After two years behind the checkstand, I’ve become convinced that what many people eat, regardless of income, is not very healthy. However, I’ve also noticed a definite correlation between income and food choices. There are some items that primarily seem to be purchased by people receiving food stamps, such that I will frequently look at a shopping cart and think, “This customer is probably on food stamps.” Nine times out of ten, I’m right.

Some of this is no doubt due to my own imperfections and biases. I’m much more likely to remember the carts piled high with junk food that are paid for with food stamps and to forget the less frequent instances when people who are not visibly low-income buy the same things. Equating food stamps with class misses a lot of low income people anyway, since not everyone is on food stamps, and not everyone who is pays with food stamps every time they go to the grocery store. And I’m absolutely biased. Walla Walla is about 20% Latino, and many Latinos in the area are farmworkers, a job which rarely pays well. That, combined with the fact that many (but not all) of my regular Latino customers are on food stamps and many (but not all) buy a lot of junk food, leads me to lump most of my Latino customers into the low income group, which is probably not a wholly accurate assumption. This is the clearest example I can think of, but I’m sure there are other instances where I’ve been biased in my assumptions.

However, I’m fairly sure I’m not wrong about my underlying point. It’s been well-documented that low income people and people of color have higher rates of obesity, diabetes and heart disease, and that much of this has to do with food. There have been enough laments by well-meaning foodies to the effect of “How do we get poor people to make better choices?” that I feel ok saying that my experiences behind the checkstand confirm a larger societal trend, albeit one that’s often addressed in insufficient, paternalistic ways which rely on stereotypes of the poor (something I’ll get to in a minute).

So back to the original question: why do poor people eat the way they do?

Many of the social factors that create food deserts shape the “choices” low-income people make in supermarkets. Grocery stores assume poor people don’t have the money to buy their products, so they avoid low income areas; meanwhile, in areas where poor people do have access to grocery stores, they often can’t afford produce and other healthy foods. Before I went into the grocery business, I thought cost was the entire issue. For sheer caloric value, it’s hard to beat ground beef that costs 99 cents a pound, or $1 bargain frozen entrees. You can buy white bread for less than a dollar a loaf; meanwhile, good loaves of whole grain bread are $4.19 when they’re not on sale. Cost is a huge issue. The US subsidizes corn and wheat such that processed carbohydrates, sugar and factory farmed meat are almost always the cheapest ways to get full.

After a few months behind the checkstand, most of the evidence I had observed supported the cost theory. When produce goes on a huge sale (like 50 cent mangos or $1 bell peppers), everyone buys more of it, including low income people. And the produce items I see bought with food stamps tend to be whatever’s cheapest at the time (often bananas). So there’s a clear price elasticity of demand with produce and other healthy foods.

But cost isn’t the full story. It’s a nice, simple explanation, and I wanted it to work for everything, but it clearly doesn’t. A glaring piece of evidence contradicting my cost theory, at least in my eyes, was soda. People drink a ton of soda. Across all income levels (as far as I can tell), many, many people buy way more soda than I thought was possible. And people buy more when it’s cheaper, to be sure. Soda is often disgustingly cheap. Two liters of generic brand soda are frequently on sale for 69 cents. You can get four twelve packs of Coke for $13.98 when they’re on sale, and when not on sale, generic soda twelve packs cost $3 or $4. Soda is frequently cheaper than bottled water, which defies all logic I know of (except capitalist logic, in that people are willing to pay more for bottled water, I suppose).

Even controlling for all these factors, buying large quantities of soda is a pretty good predictor of whether someone is on food stamps, at least in my experience. When I first noticed this, it seemed incredibly illogical to me, largely because of my background. I was raised in a family where soda was never in the house, and the only time I had a can was at special occasions (like family reunions, where I could usually avoid Mom’s watchful eyes long enough to get into the cooler), or on airplanes. Soda was simply not a part of my life in any significant way, so I viewed it as a non-essential item. It’s not addictive, like cigarettes, and it’s incredibly unhealthy when consumed in the quantities that people seem to purchase it in. Buying it at all made no sense to me, but buying it when you couldn’t afford to feed your family seemed like throwing money away.

I’ve talked about the soda issue with a few friends, and seeing people’s reactions has been really interesting. Several friends of mine (liberal, pro-social welfare people) have expressed shock that soda is covered on food stamps at all. I’ve heard things to the effect of, “If they want to buy that crap, fine, but we shouldn’t be paying for it.” Underlying this belief, I think, is the idea that by excluding soda from food stamps, we can make a statement that we, as a society, don’t believe that this food is good for you, the recipients of social welfare. In short, we will educate the ill-informed poor people about making healthy nutritional choices.

I waffled on this for a while. I know from talking to friends and coworkers on food stamps that they don’t cover anyone’s actual food for the entire month. Almost all of the time, people and families on food stamps end up paying for some of their food out of pocket. Given that, it seemed like excluding soda wouldn’t actually damage anyone’s finances much, since they’d be paying for some food anyway, and it might encourage them to switch to healthier beverage options. But if you ban soda, where do you draw the line? Are juices with tons of added sugar ok? What about energy drinks (also currently allowed)? Vitamin Water? Otter Pops? Chocolate milk with high fructose corn syrup added (aka virtually all chocolate milk)? The slippery slope argument seemed like a good reason to avoid bans, not to mention the fact that food lobby groups would never let a soda ban go through in the first place.

Beyond the logistics of banning soda, though, I began to think about the assumptions made when people talk about a ban on certain types of food. No one was talking about programs forcing rich people to reduce their soda consumption, so health couldn’t be the only reason. The idea behind the food stamp program is consumer choice—people whose incomes are low enough that they can’t afford to feed themselves and their families receive help from the government in order to make up the difference. Yet in practice, we’re deeply uncomfortable with extending the poor the same level of choice we give the rich. If a rich person wants to spend their money on soda, lottery tickets, or cigarettes, that’s their choice because they’ve earned the money. But if a poor person takes government money, we still see that money as “ours”. Because it came from our taxes, we feel entitled to dictate policy. And while food stamps is, in theory, an income support program, it provides well-meaning people the opportunity to tell the uneducated poor what they should and shouldn’t be eating.

[[Somewhat tangential, but still interesting: This paternalistic approach underlies the Women, Infants and Children (WIC) program, the other large government food assistance initiative. Food stamps provides people with a fixed amount each month which can be spent on any food items (alcohol is not a food, but just about anything else you can eat or drink is fair game). In contrast, WIC aims to provide nutritious foods to low-income mothers and their children, ages 0-5. This is accomplished via a series of vouchers, which specify certain quantities and types of food which may be purchased. A standard WIC check lists the following things: 2 gallons of milk (organic not allowed), 36 oz. breakfast cereal, one dozen white eggs, one 64 oz. plastic bottle of juice and one pound of domestic cheese. Other checks provide for fresh produce, baby food or formula, peanut butter, dried lentils or beans and whole grain breads. This list, of course, is as much a produce of agribusiness lobbying as it is a true reflection of healthy foods for mothers and young children.]]

The other assumption underlying our scrutiny of food stamps is that poor people are ignorant of proper nutrition and simply lack the information to make good choices for themselves. This is no doubt true in some cases, and applies to people who are not poor as well. Many people could stand to make better nutritional choices (myself included), and many people would benefit from education about healthy foods. But to simply write the soda issue off as a lack of education seemed simplistic and patronizing. If a few low income families consistently buy soda and drink it all the time, maybe they could use some education. When (almost) everyone does it, there’s something bigger going on.

I came across a great blog post which provided a very interesting explanation. Sadly, I no longer have the link, but the gist of the argument was that food insecurity is responsible for many of the “unhealthy” choices poor people make. If you’re not sure where your next meal is coming from, you’re going to feel like you’re constantly on the brink of starvation, which means you’re going to eat as much as you can when you can. As a matter of evolutionary survival, you’re going to go after foods which are high in sugar and fat, because that’s what will fill you up quickly and provide the most energy.

I thought this argument made sense, but it seemed a little far-fetched to attribute so much of what I see at work to evolutionary responses to hunger and stress. And then, finals week hit. Finals week, of course, is a very stressful and busy time. I was working constantly, and even when I didn’t have tangible work to do, I was just thinking about all the tests I still had to take and papers I still had to write.

Guess what I ate during finals week? Soda, ginger beer, salt and vinegar chips, cookies, sweet bread and (occasionally) kale or salad greens, because I felt bad about all the sugar and fat. But when I’m at my most stressed, I pile on the unhealthy food. Consistently, throughout the semester, I ate the most and the unhealthiest on Wednesday nights, because Wednesday is production night for Whitman’s newspaper.

Being poor is incredibly stressful. You have to worry about putting food on the table, paying rent and scraping together some money for unexpected problems (a medical bill or a car repair). You’re one paycheck away from being broke, and you have no safety net to fall back on.

It’s also exhausting. In spite of what Reagan and his administration seemed to think, almost all poor people work—often multiple jobs with long hours. Many of my coworkers are on food stamps, because we simply aren’t paid enough to live on. (Starting checker wages are $8.77 an hour, ten cents above minimum wage, which works out to about $8 an hour after Medicare and Social Security come off. If you pay income tax, you get even less. And we have to pay $50 per month in union dues.) Once you factor in unpaid lunch breaks and taking the bus to and from work, a full 8-hour shift can easily eat up ten hours of your day, eight of which are spent standing up in a small, confined space. And when I get home from work after a full day, the last thing I want to do is spend an hour cooking a healthy meal from scratch. So yes, lentils and dried beans may be the cheapest way to feed a family. But they’re not a realistic option for many people working low wage jobs. Add in the fact that knowing how to cook fresh vegetables or dried beans is not self-evident, and might require research, and frozen entrees make a lot of sense.

These generalizations are just that: general. This doesn’t apply to all low income people everywhere, and many low income people are trying to make healthy food choices to the extent that they’re able to do so. But I believe those people are the exception, not the rule.

How, then, can we encourage people to make healthier food choices? Education is important, certainly—people aren’t going to cook something if they have no idea how to do it or don’t know that it might be beneficial. But education won’t solve the problem, or even come close. In order to ensure equality of access of healthy foods, I think we need fundamental changes at a societal, not an individual, level.

First, we need to break the stranglehold that agribusiness has on our political system and provide alternative food options. A variety of people have discussed this issue in depth, and usual solutions include ending or reducing subsidies for corn and other unhealthy foods, subsidizing fresh produce, getting food stamps and WIC accepted at farmer’s markets, increasing access to farmer’s markets and community gardens in low income areas. These are all great ideas. But I think we need to do more.

After two year behind a checkstand, I’ve come to the conclusion that we’re not going to be able to solve the unhealthy foods issue without going after poverty itself. Alternatives are great, but people need to be in a position to take advantage of those alternatives. People need to be able to come home from work and not spend the evening worrying if they’ll be able to feed their children breakfast before school. People need to know that an accident or serious illness in the family won’t cause them to lose their home. Low income people make choices about what to eat, but those choices are made within the context of a system in which few options are really possible. It’s not as simple as getting people to make different choices. It’s about expanding the range of choices people have. It’s not about dictating what the poor should eat through policy. It’s about creating a system where people have agency to truly choose for themselves.

6.03.2011

Agricultural chemicals, population and environmental justice

I’ve been researching the agricultural inputs market in Ghana for my internship, and I’ve realized just how easy it is to buy agricultural chemicals here. Within a block of the Burro offices are at least two shops selling a variety of pesticides—everything from organochlorate insecticides, which are broad-spectrum neurotoxins, to atrazine, a common herbicide which has been linked to birth defects (see the excellent New York Times story here for more information). You can even buy glyphosate, which is the active chemical in Roundup, Monsanto’s famous broad-spectrum herbicide that kills anything with green leaves. Monsanto’s patent on glyphosate expired a few years ago, meaning that any company can manufacture glyphosate herbicides. So if you want a liter of Roundup in Ghana, all you need is $4 and the ability to walk around the corner.

Virtually every farmer in Ghana uses these broad-spectrum herbicides on their fields, and as far as I can tell, there is no such thing as organic produce here (at least not in the Koforidua market).There are sometimes adverse health effects experienced by people applying these chemicals, though more with insecticides than herbicides. There’s also a long history of associated environmental problems with agricultural chemicals (see: Silent Spring and the Bhopal chemical plant disaster).

The chemical issue, to me, is less an example of the wealth-environment paradox (see last post), and more an example of environmental injustice. Ag chemical exposure, as I understand it, it pretty directly linked to wealth around the world. It’s not like American farms don’t use these chemicals, it’s just that farmers can pay people (who usually happen to be low income people of color) to apply the neurotoxins for them. Or it’s done by machine. On the other side of the equation, well-off people live in places where organic produce exists and can afford to buy it; the rest of the world gets a healthy dose of toxic chemicals along with their fruit.

So why do farmers use these chemicals? In short, because they tend to increase output. Large, industrial farms in the US tell us that without them, we couldn’t feed the world. (“If everyone ate organic, you’d have a few healthy people and a lot of dead people” is what a Walla Walla wheat farmer told us on an environmental studies class trip last spring.) Small, Ghanaian farmers need that increased output to feed their families, and all the data in the world about neurotoxicity and birth defects won’t change that reality. In the long run, I believe industrial agriculture will collapse. Eventually, we’re going to run out of oil to make these chemicals with, our soil will run out of nutrients, our farmland will salinize and turn to desert, and we won’t have cheap, government-subsidized water to irrigate California.

But in the short run, I think they’re right. How could grass-fed, local meat ever replace the perverse efficiency of a factory farm (assuming people keep eating meat at current and growing rates, which seems like a pretty healthy assumption)? How could we produce enough to feed the world on small-scale local farms?

I’ve read so many environmentalist laments against the toxicity of agricultural chemicals, most recently by Sandra Steingraber in Orion. Many of them seem to assume that if we knew what these chemicals were doing to our soil, water and bodies, we would stop using them. But what if that’s not true?

As I’ve come to realize just how toxic civilization is (and I mean that literally: modern civilization is largely sustained by a variety of carcinogenic and toxic chemicals), I’ve also started thinking that the logic underlying environmentalist appeals might not hold water. Sure, the world responded to Silent Spring by largely banning DDT. But if we laid out chemicals on a balance sheet—you get enough food to (theoretically) feed the world, a variety of convenient consumer products, electronics (one of the most toxic manufacturing processes on earth) and cars, and for all this, you run the risk of getting cancer, having a child born with birth defects or experiencing lead poisoning—would we choose to go without? Increasingly, I don’t think so. Would you give up the Internet if it meant your cancer risk went to zero? What about cars, or cheap food?

Of course, I’m oversimplifying. It’s possible we could retain some of the benefits of technology without so much disease and destruction. But I don’t think it’s likely, especially in the case of agriculture. Insecticides are a perfect example. By definition, they’re designed to kill living animals, and they’re designed to work on a variety of different organisms. It’s not a question of whether these chemicals could affect humans; it’s a question of at what dosage, or at what level of accumulation?

We’re at seven billion, headed to nine in the next few decades. Do we want people to starve, or do we want them to get cancer? Because the classic refrain—that most, if not all environmental problems stem from overpopulation—is not going to make those people go away.

If I could redesign the world from scratch, I have a decent idea of what it would look like. But given what we have now, I have no idea how to proceed. I want to know what chemicals are doing, and I want them regulated. I want environmental justice—if we’re willing to pay the price for civilization, that price should be evenly distributed regardless of gender, race, income level or country of birth. I’m aware that this might be impossible, and that it’s the very people least likely to have any of civilizations “benefits” (laptops, cars, or even access to medical care) who are most likely to experience its ill effects. I know that we overproduce food in the US, and that we’re eating all the wrong things, and I’m hoping that if we fix that, we’ll be able to find a better food system in the process. I know that I have no right to tell Ghanaian farmers what chemicals they should or shouldn’t use, but I want to make a world where they don’t need to use them and no one needs to starve because of it.

Water and the wealth paradox

Wealth is a huge environmental paradox. On the one hand, increased wealth means increased consumption, such that Americans consume at least a hundred times more energy and resources than their peers in many developing countries. On the other hand, environmental protection is often a privilege conferred by (relative) wealth—people in chronic poverty are unlikely to be able to worry about things like whether their meat is grass-fed, and even if they’re aware of environmental issues, they likely don’t have the resources to address them. Most low-income Americans can’t afford organic produce, and many low-income areas are “food deserts”, where buying anything fresh and green simply isn’t an option.

 Ghana (along with, I suspect, many developing countries) provides some interesting examples of this paradox. Resource consumption here is incredibly low. Ghanaians are adept at repairing almost anything, and very few things get truly thrown away. Stereo systems, cars and bikes are all refurbished many times, well past the point when an American would have thrown them away. Village houses are made out of mud, sticks, wood and occasionally concrete. In rural areas, few people have running water or electricity. Even in cities, power and water supplies are unpredictable. Most Ghanaians have never left the country, and very few have left West Africa.

Without a doubt, the average Ghanaian consumes far less than virtually any American. And yet, there are environmental problems here that seem as if they’d be simple to solve with a bit more money. One of the biggest waste sources in Ghana, as far as I can tell, is water bags. While Ghana’s municipal water authorities claim that tap water is drinkable, Ghanaians are rightfully skeptical of this claim. Pretty much everyone living outside of cities (and many people in cities) don’t have running water at home. And the city water supply here in Koforidua is very unreliable—several Burro employees haven’t had water at home for almost a month.

With drinkable tap water a distant dream, virtually everyone buys sachets of water to drink. These are small, 500ml plastic bags full of purified water. A bag of 50 sachets sells for 1.2 cedis, or about 75 cents. So it’s a relatively inexpensive way for people to drink water. The problem with this is that it creates a ton of disposable plastic bags which are thrown away. And Ghana has virtually no trash collection infrastructure. On the side of almost every road in town, there’s a deep concrete trench which functions as a sewer, and this is where many of the bags end up. They’re all over streets and sidewalks, and they just stay there.

A recent issue of the Ghana Daily Graphic, one of the country’s many newspapers, ran an opinion piece about plastic waste. Apparently, trash dumps in Accra are rapidly filling up, and no one is willing to open a new dump, largely because of NIMBY (not in my backyard) concerns. The author of the piece implored Ghana to wake up and ban plastic bags entirely, something she says several other African countries have already done.

I can’t comment on the viability of this proposal, since I have little to no understanding of Ghanaian politics or environmental regulations. A lot of plastic usage here seems, to me at least, superfluous. At the market, vendors seem to almost want to give you as many (identical, small, black) plastic bags to take your produce home in; if you say you don’t need a bag, they look at you like you’re a space alien. So I’m sure there’s room for reduction without fundamental lifestyle changes. At the same time, I find it hard to imagine something, short of truly clean drinking water available to everyone, which will stem the tide of used water sachets. It’s possible that banning bags would result in people coming up with another cheap solution to get drinking water to people, but I have a hard time imagining what that would be. Bottled water is also widely available, but much more expensive: a 1.5 liter bottle costs about 1 cedi, or 66 cents, which puts it out of reach for average Ghanaians. Not to mention that plastic bottles are hardly the solution to the plastic bag problem. Other water purification options, such as filters or chemical treatment, are obviously well out of people’s price range.

So how do we reduce this plastic waste? Developing more—building a reliable water infrastructure that people trust to consistently deliver potable water—would certainly help. There’s a lot more to say here, about water pollution, privatization, governance, capitalism, social justice and a whole lot of other things, but I’ll save it for later.

5.31.2011

Ghana: day 1 and 2

I’m back in Ghana! Specifically, I’m going to be spending the next five weeks in Koforidua, which is the capital of Eastern Region. I’m working with Isaac Bruce, a student at Ashesi University, to research the agricultural inputs market in Ghana and develop a plan for how Burro (my dad’s company) can enter the market.

Since arriving on Sunday night, I’ve had a number of exciting and unique experiences, including, but not limited to:

1) A woman in the market grabbing my boob, squeezing it and nodding approvingly before telling me that I was “very beautiful”.

2) Having a mango, banana, orange and pineapple smoothie for breakfast, and having zero foodie-guilt, because all the fruits were produced well within 100 miles of our house.

3) Our neighbor’s chickens flying into our yard, which resulted in a chick falling into our sewer (it’s a concrete trench that goes around the house; the sinks and showers, but not toilets, drain directly into it). The chick was running around and squeaking in a panicked fashion, which caused its mother to run around the corner of our house, almost crash into me, chase me away and then cluck frantically trying to find its chick. Which it did not succeed in doing.

4) Our water almost running out. Dad has installed a 1500 liter tank at the house, which fills when the municipal water is running. Unfortunately, the water has not been running for the past few weeks, and our tank is down to about one day’s worth of water. We’re contemplating getting a water truck to come refill it, but in the meantime, we’ve set out two giant laundry tubs in the hopes that the rainy season will come through and give us enough to bathe with (and in the hopes that the chickens won’t use our water backup as a toilet). I’m beginning to understand the reasons people suggest that municipal systems in developing countries get privatized, because apparently this happens all the time.

5) Attempting to get information from the Ministry of Food and Agriculture in Ghana. Isaac and I went to their regional office and found three men sitting at desks covered in stacks of papers, without computers. All three men were reading the newspaper. We were told that they could maybe fill out a questionnaire for us, but that they probably couldn’t give us any specific information. The guy we talked to also said that we should pay him a consultant fee, because we were trying to make money off of our research.

6) Seeing the motorcade for President John Atta-Mills, who was visiting Koforidua today. Dad got way more excited about this than any of the Ghanaians.

7) NOT GETTING SICK! I’ve had two restaurant meals and eaten a bunch of fruit from the market, and my stomach is as happy as it ever is when I’m home. So fingers crossed J

5.29.2011

Observations from Greece

I’ve spent the past week and a half in Greece, mostly on the islands of Mykonos and Santorini. I’m off to Ghana tomorrow, and I don’t have any single insight from this trip that would warrant an entire post. So, in no specific order, here are some of the observations and thoughts I’ve had over the past week.

1. Seeing giant slabs of pork in the window of every cafĂ© serving gyros (which is most of them), as well as a skinned lamb roasting on a spit, has reawakened some of my visceral revulsion at the idea of eating meat. That said, stuffed vine leaves filled with rice and ground beef are quite delicious (quasi-vegetarian exception #1—travel).

2. Europe always impresses me with the sheer number of languages that coexist within it. Case in point: in the main square of Santorini, there’s a shop that has issues of Cosmopolitan in English, French and German.

3. English is the lingua franca of the world. (My theory is that you learn your native language first, then the official language of your country (eg. if you’re Mayan and grow up speaking Quiche, you learn Spanish second), and then you learn English. If you’re American, this means you only need to learn one language to communicate with much of the world.) I’m torn, because I feel like I’m experiencing less authentic culture than if I spoke Greek. However, I know it’s unrealistic to learn every language in the world, or even of places I travel to, and given that, it’s nice to be able to ask for directions and order food in a restaurant.

4. Related to the last point, every time I go to Europe (I’ve been to France/Spain in 2003 and the UK in 2007), I always rekindle my desire to learn French, and more languages in general. Because my parents exposed me to French at such a young age, I can still understand basic conversations well, and I’m pretty sure I could pick it up fluently after a few months of living in a French speaking country. I also realized that my Spanish enables me to understand Italian tours well enough to grasp the main points of sentences. Conversely, I have an incredibly hard time understanding Spaniards because their accents are so completely different from Latin American Spanish. My language goals are, in order of priority: fluency in Spanish, conversationality in Twi (Ghana’s lingua franca, though English is the official language), and competency in French.

5. Every time I come home from school and interact with my parents, I go through a transition process. This is the process where the radical leftist/anarchist/ecoterrorist ideas I’ve been filled with at Whitman are filtered through my dad’s fervent belief that regulated markets are the best way to address most of the world’s problems, via a process of discussion and (mostly) debate. Based on my latest round of this transition, which has been a particularly harsh one, I’ve come up with an economic theory. I think capitalism might make more sense for Africa, and I think socialism/communism might make more sense for Latin America. I can’t back this theory up with any evidence, but thinking about my interactions with Ghanaians, Guatemalans, Mexicans and Costa Ricas, plus the readings I’ve done about history and politics, it makes sense in my head. I realize this is a gross generalization, and I’m going to think about it a lot more when I’m in Ghana and Ecuador. Stay tuned.

6. If you take a herd of donkeys and make them carry tourists up over a thousand feet of switchbacking stairs in direct sun all day, two things will happen. One: they will poop everywhere on the stairs, and the poop will not get cleaned up, and it will ferment in the sun and create fumes that are almost enough to induce fainting. And, more importantly: the donkeys will be extremely unhappy and, in some cases, unwell. And tourists will apparently not care, because they’re unique and part of Santorini’s historic culture (every shop on Santorini sells donkey-related paraphernalia). So the donkeys will continue to be exploited by capitalism (as will the people who own them, probably), and they will keep looking sad. And donkeys can look damn sad when they try, let me tell you.

7. There are stray dogs and cats all over Greece (or at least the places we went). Apparently, the strays in Athens are due to an animal welfare group exposing the conditions at a pound, where animals were being abused. The resulting scandal forced the mayor of the town to resign, and other towns took note and ordered shelters and pounds closed, because they were afraid of meeting the same fate. Consequently, there are roaming hordes of strays all over the city (and on Santorini and Mykonos).

8. I don’t like traveling to non-English speaking countries. I always feel like language barriers and cultural differences prevent me from connecting with locals in the short time I’m there, and without connections, I feel exploitative and obnoxious, especially when I speak English to locals. I love foreign countries, and I love learning and meeting people, but I’ve realized that to really do that, I probably just need to live abroad for a while. However, I might feel differently if I was doing a low-budget, youth hostel trip in the Spanish-speaking world, or going somewhere completely random where obnoxious Western tourists aren’t a huge problem.

9. Most produce in Greece is grown in Spain. I’m not sure how the food miles there compare to your typical tomato in an American supermarket, but I’m always impressed by our economy’s ability to move everything everywhere any time of year. Also, produce is cheaper than in the US, at least in both supermarkets we went to. Olive oil is also dirt-cheap. However, most stuff costs about the same in euros as the US equivalent would in dollars, which is unfortunate for us, given that 1 euro=$1.43ish right now.

10. It’s weird being in a country knowing that their economy has collapsed and that there’s been massive social unrest recently. The graffiti in Athens seemed like a whisper of young people gathering in protest and revolt, and the desperation of some of the people selling trinkets on the street hints at less-than-good times. But you wouldn’t know any of this hanging out at a beach club on Mykonos or watching the sun set off of Santorini. I wonder how bad it is for the people we saw and interacted with. I wonder if there are always young children selling flowers on the street and getting shooed out of restaurants by the waiters. I wonder how much more of this I would know if I spoke Greek or paid attention.

5.24.2011

Awkwardness and beach parties

Growing up, I always told myself that someday, I’d be less awkward. In middle and high school, I never quite figured out how to do many of the things my peers were into. I went to dances in middle school knowing that I’d spend the afternoon sitting with friends outside absorbed in some boy-related drama. This was partially because seventh-grade me was a complete drama magnet, but also because I was terrified to venture onto the dance floor, lest I be compared to the popular kids who seemed to know what they were doing. I could never figure out clothes—my uniform by high school was pretty much jeans and a t-shirt, and I was baffled by the idea of dressing up and trying to coordinate shoes with an outfit. My hair didn’t go into a ponytail easily, and even when up, it never looked as effortlessly pulled together as so many other girls’ cross country practice hairstyles.

I’d always assumed that by a certain age, I’d figure this all out. Not that I’d be popular or trendy, but that I would be able to dress myself and make my hair look decent on a regular basis. To a certain extent, I’ve been able to do this. I’m proud to report that less than half of my wardrobe is made of t-shirts with writing on them, and I have enough pairs of shoes and boots that I can usually scrape together a respectable outfit. I can drink, something high school me thought I’d never be able to say. I feel ok in most social situations.

I thought about this all while we were en route to Greece. We’re staying on Mykonos and Santorini—two incredibly touristy Greek Islands. On Mykonos, our guidebook informs us, the bar scene picks up around 4am, and bars don’t close until 9am. I realized that I’m finally old enough to go out drinking and dancing (Greece has no drinking age, and the purchase age is sixteen).

We went to a bunch of beaches on Mykonos yesterday. All of them had bars and were mostly populated by twenty-somethings , and one (called Super Paradise) was particularly lively, with eardrum-shattering techno playing. It looked like what I’ve always imagined Cancun to be over spring break. And I realized that probably the last thing on earth I wanted to do was hang out and drink on the beach. Granted, this probably would have been different if I’d had friends with me. But I spent most of the day reading (Collapse, by Jared Diamond), and I had a great day.

The more I thought about it, the more I realized that I’ve always been like this. Last spring break, I took a road trip with Clive, and we ended up in Las Vegas for a few nights because we were climbing at Red Rocks. We drove around the strip, got out and walked it for a bit and contemplated going into casinos and checking out some of the famous Vegas attractions. But we were a little creeped out by all the neon and got bored, so we ended up hanging out in our youth hostel eating Mexican sweet bread and watching Spy Kids 2. As a kid, I spent hours and hours reading whenever I had free time, oblivious to or not caring about the fact that friends were swimming or hanging out in the sun. In high school, I read McSweeneys Lists and played Scattergories with friends on Friday nights. I’ve done the nerdy, random thing for my entire life.

Hanging out on Greek beaches, I realized I’m not over all of my old insecurities. I don’t want to walk around in a bikini in Europe, because everyone here is tan and skinny and has a tummy that isn’t covered in weird red bumps. I don’t want to go out drinking, because I’m pretty sure I’d end up by myself in the corner, half-nodding my head along with the techno. But that’s ok. I don’t have to be the kind of person aspiring to someday be cool enough to go to beach parties. I don’t have to do what everyone else appears to be doing to have fun. In the four days I’ve been in Greece, I’ve read three books, re-learned the alphabet and eaten some damn good food. I know I could go out dancing or drinking with friends, but I also know I don’t have to. Mostly, I know it’s ok to feel awkward (particularly in the face of European genetic superiority). And anyway, all those attractive, bronzed young people can suck it, because they probably don’t have a wildly successful blog.

5.19.2011

Touchdown: Athens

I am officially in Athens and running on about twelve hours of sleep over the past three nights combined. My body has no idea where it is, what time it is or what's going on. And Greece is completely different than I expected. There's really awesome graffiti art everywhere, there are children begging for money who come up to you when you're eating, and the whole city looks, sounds and smells more like Accra than Paris or London. Pedestrian right of way does not exist, and there are guys hawking copy watches and other random trinkets everywhere. The Acropolis just sits on top of a hill, with lights on all around it, glowing in its beautiful state of disrepair. Tomorrow, I'll probably be better able to process this all, but right now, it just feels a bit surreal.